Is Franklin City Hall for Sale? Mayor Nelson, Campaign Donations, and the TID 10 Vote

By Dr. Richard A. Busalacchi
Franklin Community News

Last month, a simple question was raised:

Should Mayor John Nelson have recused himself from voting on the Poth’s General development?

That question was based on documented facts:

• Campaign contributions from individuals tied to the development

• Followed by tie-breaking votes advancing the same project

Now, as the Common Council prepares to vote on the formal creation of TID No. 10, a broader question emerges:

What exactly is being approved—and how did we get here?

Follow the Money

Campaign finance records from the 2023 election cycle show a clear pattern:

A group of individuals connected to development, property ownership, or business interests in and around the project area contributed at the maximum allowable amount of $735 each.

2023 Election Cycle — Maximum-Level Contributions

Core Donors

• Joey Ricely (Franklin McDonald's Owner) — $735

• Scott Mayer — $735

Hay - On the Border

• Gerald Hay — $735

• Mary Hay LLC — $735

• Daniel Hay — $735

Zimmerman Family (Ballpark Commons)

• Michael Zimmerman — $735

• Bridget Zimmerman — $735

• Paige Zimmerman — $735

• Andrew Zimmerman — $735

Pekar / Land by Label (Developer)

• James Pekar — $735

• Lisa Pekar — $735

• Abegil Pekar — $735

• Peter Pekar — $735

O’Malley (TID 10 Property Owners)

• James O’Malley — $735

• Stephanie O’Malley — $735

Total from this group: $11,760

These were not random contributors. They include:

• The project’s developer

• Property owners within the proposed TID

• Business owners directly impacted by the development corridor

2026 Election Cycle — Partial Filings Only

As of this writing, the final 2026 campaign finance report has not yet been filed.

However, available filings to date show a different pattern:

Examples of reported contributions include:

• Joey Ricely — $250

• David Schultz — $250

• Tracy L. Hakes — $50

• Donald M. Dorrian — $50

Along with numerous additional contributions in the range of:

• $50

• $100

• $200

• $500

👉 Based on currently available reports:

• No comparable cluster of $735 maximum-level contributions has been identified

• The donor base appears more distributed and lower in amount

Because the final report has not yet been filed, this reflects only the currently available public data.

The Timing No One Can Ignore

• April 7, 2026 → Election Day

• April 8, 2026 → Vote to create TID No. 10

This is not a routine item.

The April 8 vote will:

• Establish the district

• Lock in the project plan

• Commit approximately $15.7 million in public support, including $15 million in development incentives

And it is scheduled one day after voters go to the polls.

The Blight Question: Who Determined It?

The entire TID depends on a legal threshold:

At least 50% of the area must be “blighted.”

The City’s meeting packet states:

• 81% of the district qualifies as blighted

But the source of that determination matters.

The finding comes from the Ehlers Project Plan, which relies on:

• Developer-commissioned environmental reports

• Developer-provided site conditions

• Consultant summaries

Even the City’s staff report defers to that plan, rather than presenting an independent analysis.

The Common Council is being asked to make a legal finding of blight based largely on consultant and developer-supplied information.

After the Deal: Who Benefits Long-Term?

Another key question remains unanswered:

What happens after the project is built?

Nothing in the materials clearly establishes:

• A required ownership period

• Clawback provisions

• Long-term developer commitments

This is not theoretical.

Similar TIF-supported developments, such as Velo Village, were sold after completion.

That raises a fundamental issue:

If public dollars are used to make a project viable, what ensures the long-term benefit remains with the community—and not just with a developer who builds and exits?

The Full Picture

When viewed together, the pattern becomes difficult to ignore:

1. Development proposal emerges

2. Maximum-level campaign contributions from interested parties

3. Tie-breaking votes advance the project

4. Blight determination relies on consultant and developer input

5. Final approval scheduled immediately after the election

No single step proves wrongdoing.

But together, they raise a broader question:

Is this a process driven by independent public judgment—or one influenced by concentrated financial support?

The Real Issue: Public Confidence

This is not about whether development should happen.

It is about whether:

• Decisions involving millions in public financing

• Are based on independent, verifiable information

• And are made in a way that maintains public trust

Because ultimately:

The question isn’t just whether City Hall is for sale.

It’s whether the process gives residents confidence that it isn’t.

*That’s a question that deserves an answer—before the vote, not after.

This piece reflects the author’s personal opinion and experiences. All statements are presented as commentary protected under the First Amendment. Readers are encouraged to review public records, filings, and documented evidence referenced throughout this article.

Dr. Richard Busalacchi is the Publisher of Franklin Community News, where he focuses on government transparency, community accountability, and local public policy. He believes a community’s strength depends on open dialogue, honest leadership, and the courage to speak the truth—even when it makes powerful people uncomfortable.

🕯️ The solution isn’t another insider in a new office. It’s sunlight, scrutiny, and the courage to vote differently.

Because until voters demand honest, transparent government, the corruption won’t stop — it will only change titles.

Elections have consequences — and Franklin’s next one may decide whether transparency makes a comeback.

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Together, we can keep local government honest, transparent, and accountable 

— for the greater good.

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